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34 On the various forms of marriage in Ethiopia, see Kaplan , 2007, p. 799–800. 35 Barrera , 1996, p. 21.
12 Colonial sources also stressed the existence in the Horn of Africa of a local form of temporary marriage, the damoz . G ? rd ? nna or damoz marriage is, indeed, one of the forms of legitimate marriage among Amhara and Tigrinya speakers.34 It involves the payment of a monthly or annual stipend by the husband to the wife. According to this type of temporary marriage (generally considered of lower status than the civil marriage contract or the religious marriage in church, and associated with urban populations, traders, and warriors far from home) a man and a woman live together for a certain period under the terms of a contract. This local form of union between men and women may have justified the use – and the abuse – of colonial concubinage by Italian men in Northeast African colonies. Today in the region damoz is in decline, as Ethiopians consider it closer to prostitution than to marriage in its everyday aspects. But Giulia Barrera argues that if damoz marriage had permanently degenerated into either unregulated concubinage or prostitution, it was precisely because Italians had abused it in colonial Northeast Africa and “systematically violated the customs that informed such marriages, meaning that thousands of Eritrean women and their children were left without economic support.”35.
36 Stoler , 2002, p. 14. 37 Stoler , 2002, p. 51. On some early attempts of banning concubinage in 1909 in British and Italian c (. )
13 As in other colonial situations, sexual matters in the Horn of Africa were “foundational to the material terms in which colonial projects were carried out.”36 In European colonies relations between colonizers and colonized were key political issues and were therefore regulated by colonial authorities. In the earliest stages of European colonialism, colonizer and colonized unions were usually left alone or even encouraged; but in the later stages (usually from the 1920s onwards) this kind of “mixed relations” was progressively discouraged or even persecuted.37 In the Italian case the ban on colonial concubinage was particularly relevant, as part of, and a laboratory for a wider process of state racism and segregation.
38 Gabrielli , 1996, p. 61–88. On metis children in French colonial Empire, see Saada , 2007 and Jean?Ba (. ) 39 Burgio , 1999; Burgio and Casali , 1996; Centro Furio Jesi , 1994. On colonial race/ racist? laws, see (. ) 40 As Frederick Cooper pointed out, “recognizing the Europeans’ much greater power in the colonial enc (. )
14 After issuing in the 1930s a preliminary set of racist norms against African?Italians (the so called meticci ),38 In 1937 the fascist government banned colonial concubinage between Italian men and African women in the Horn, thus opening the road to the wider racist legislation enacted at home in 1938.39 Racist legislation also affected those individuals who were considered as having too close relations with members of the segregated groups. But the madamato was such an important phenomenon in Italian colonies in the Horn that it never really disappeared, despite Rome banning it. Colonial concubinage somehow persisted in different guises in the region, even after the end of Italian colonial rule, thus implicitly suggesting a certain degree of local agency in the shaping and the persistence of such phenomenon.40.
Social integration of Ethiopian concubines and their children.
41 Trento , 2011, p. 184?205.
15 Some similarities characterized colonial concubinage in Ethiopia and Eritrea, among which its developments, motivations and consequences for local societies. However, there were also a few differences.41 For instance, in both Eritrea and Ethiopia the woman was at first frequently employed by the Italian man as housekeeper and then became – or was forced to become – his concubine; such a ploy was particularly commonplace in the Ethiopian case, as from 1937 onwards concubinage had been officially forbidden.
42 “ Who respected the racial laws? Not even the Carabinieri did!” This is what one of the numerous Ita (. )
16 Considering the large number of soldiers that in the mid?1930s had moved from Italy to the Horn, the fact that Italians occupied Ethiopia only for few years, and the official ban on colonial concubinage in 1937, one might think prostitution should have characterized “mixed” men?women relationships in Ethiopia. On the contrary – as attested by different, oral and written sources – the madamato system in Ethiopia was also a relevant phenomenon. Regulations, as Fabienne Le Houerou points out, were only partially enforced.42.
43 Trento , 2007, ; Trento , 2011, p. 184?205. 44 Interview with Riccardo in August 2011 in Jimma (Ethiopia). Riccardo, who owns a big garage in Jimm (. ) 45 Stoler , 2002, p. 49.
17 As far as the offspring of such relationships were concerned, my previous comparative studies reveal that Ethiopian?Italians in Ethiopia were less stigmatized than were Eritrean?Italians in Eritrea.43 Some Italian men who were born and raised in colonial Eritrea would sometimes “use” an Eritrean concubine in order to have a male child and thus passing on their family name to him. This was the case for Riccardo’s father. Riccardo was an Eritrean?Italian man born in Asmara around 1930, and acknowledged by his Italian father himself born in Eritrea. During our interview, Riccardo told me that his Eritrean mother was “dismissed” and sent away by his father, shortly after he was born, she was no longer “useful” to him, as she had finally given him a male son (before Riccardo’s birth, his mother had already given birth to two Eritrean?Italian girls, both acknowledged by their father).44 It was indeed common knowledge these women “could be dismissed without reason, notice, or severance pay.”45.

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